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On Saturday, October 2, 2003, two days before Yom Kippur
(the Day of Atonement, the holiest day in the Jewish calendar),
a female suicide bomber who belonged to the Palestinian
Islamic Jihad blew herself up inside Maxim,
a popular neighborhood restaurant in Haifa, owned and run by both
a Jewish and an Arab family. In the explosion 21
of the diners, Jews and Arabs alike, were killed (including
6 members representing 3 generations of a family from Kibbutz Yagur,
near Haifa) and 60 were wounded. In an announcement broadcast the
same day, the Palestinian Islamic Jihad claimed responsibility for
the terrorist bombing. |
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The Palestinian Islamic Jihad
(PIJ) is a relatively small, radical Islamic-oriented
terrorist organization1
whose ideology is a combination of religious Islamic
fanaticism and extremist nationalism. It views terrorist
attacks against Israel as the only means for achieving its goals,
the first of which are the destruction of the State of Israel and
the establishment of a religious Islamic Palestinian state on the
area they refer to as “Filisteen” (by which they mean the Land of
Israel). During the current hostilities the PIJ carried out a series
of murderous suicide bombing attacks, culminating in the one at
Maxim. |
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1
The PIJ calls itself a “movement.” However, as opposed to Hamas,
it does not enjoy much support from the Palestinian population and
is essentially an organization rather than a widely-based popular
movement. |
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Both the United States and the European Union have
classified the PIJ as a terrorist organization.
However, as a rule, the Palestinian Authority
(PA) has avoided confrontations with the PIJ and Hamas, thus
allowing both of these extremist Islamic movements, which view themselves
as the eventual replacement of the PA, to become
stronger and to consolidate their positions among their potential
supporters. |
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The PIJ is almost totally dependent
upon non-Palestinian backup: Syria permits its headquarters
(based in Damascus and run by Dr. Ramadan Shalah)
to operate both on its territory and in Lebanon, and from there
to direct its terrorist activity in the PA-administered
territories. Iran, the organization’s primary sponsor, gives the
PIJ financial aid, in fact providing almost all its budget,
and uses it as a means of escalating Palestinian
terrorist attacks against Israel which originate in the PA-administered
territories while erasing Iranian “finger
prints.” |
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| Milestones
in PIJ history and examples of its ideology |
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Palestinian religious Islamic fanaticism, whose most
prominent representatives are the PIJ and Hamas, is an integral
part of the worldwide trend toward a religious Islamic resurgence
which has been developing in the Middle East since the early nineteen
seventies and one of whose crowning achievements was the Islamic
revolution in Iran in 1979. The resurgence’s standard
bearers are militant Islamic groups
composed mainly of young, educated individuals whose frustration
with and alienation from the social, cultural and political life
in the Middle East (and worldwide wherever Moslems are found) motivated
them to adopt religious Islamic fanaticism. That was done as part
of their protest and struggle for change, aimed at solving
the identity crisis born of the clash between traditional Islamic
values and the secular, modern Western culture to which they were
exposed and which they found confusing. However, while initially
the religious Islamic fanatics in the Arab countries
distanced themselves from the armed conflict with Israel, thus postponing
it to an indefinite time in the future, the religious Islamic radicalism
which developed in what are now the PA-administered territories
stressed the need for an immediate armed Jihad
to “liberate Palestine” and eradicate the “Zionist entity.2”
That point was one of the main controversies between the PIJ and
the Moslem Brotherhood during the PIJ’s early stages. 3 |
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2
Meir Hatina, Palestinian Radicals: The Islamic Jihad Movement,
Tel Aviv University/The Moshe Dayan Center, 1994, pp. 9-12.
3
According to a study of the PIJ found in the possession of the PA
Internal Security Forces in Bethlehem during Operation Defensive
Shield. Henceforth: PIJ study. |
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The Palestinian Islamic Jihad began with a small group
of Palestinian students studying at Zagazig University (in the north
of Egypt) during the nineteen seventies. The university was a stronghold
of religious Islamic fundamentalism and the group was headed by
Fat’hi Abd al-Aziz al-Shkaki (henceforth Dr. Fat’hi Shkaki),
who was studying medicine. Dr. Ramadan Shalah, the PIJ’s current
secretary, was also one of the organization’s founders. The founding
members had originally belonged to the Moslem Brotherhood but were
frustrated by its lack of real action. They wanted to copy the Jihad
movements which were flourishing in Egypt at that time and create
a Palestinian Islamic organization which
would combine radical Islamis activism with uncompromising
Palestinian nationalism as an alternative to the secular nationalism
of the Fatah, the main faction of the Palestinian Liberation Organization
(PLO). |
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The radical Islamic organizations in the PA-administered
territories use terror (which they describe as an armed Jihad) to
attain their ends. They reached ideological and organizational maturity
at the end of the 1970s and the beginning of the1980s,
when Shkaki and his comrades returned to the Gaza Strip. They
began to formulate the revolutionary ideas they had absorbed while
in Egypt and to accommodate them to the Palestinian arena, at the
same time separating themselves from the ideology and organizational
framework of the Moslem Brotherhood. The Islamic Revolution in Iran
in 1979 was an important factor in shaping
the revolutionary trend in the form of an organization during 1980-1981.
It was at that time that the Gazan branch of the Islamic Jihad appeared,
although it had other names, the most well-known of which was the
Islamic Vanguard. It had two founders: Dr. Fat’hi
Shkaki and Sheikh Abd al-Aziz ‘Odeh, a religious Islamic
preacher from the refugee camp at Jebalya in the Gaza Strip, the
scion of a Palestinian family which had fled from the area around
Beersheba in 1948. |
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After Dr. Fat’hi Shkaki and his comrades returned to
what were then the “occupied territories,” i.e., the West Bank and
the Gaza Strip, the founding members exploited political and educational
activities to set up a secret infrastructure of activists, at the
same time establishing armed terrorists cells.
The universities and mosques in the West Bank and the Gaza
Strip served as two important sources of
potential supporters for the organization in its early stages. |
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According to an internal PIJ study, the organization
formulated an ideology which sought the immediate
“liberation” of all Palestine through an armed Jihad which
would be directed against “Jewish existence in Palestine” and would
lead to the extinction of “the Zionist entity.”
The Jihad, according to the PIJ, was an immediate obligation that
had to be fulfilled and not postponed until after the establishment
of a religious “Islamic state.” According to the organization’s
ideology, armed struggle was the first and necessary step in the
process of rehabilitating the entire nation of
Islam through the return to the original religious Islamic
values.4
The PIJ, inspired by Dr. Fat’hi Shkaki, expressed its enthusiastic
support for Ayatollah Khomeini and the Islamic Revolution in Iran,
and the organization’s pro-Iranian orientation became its trademark.
During that time there was an open breach between the PIJ and the
Moslem Brotherhood because the Brotherhood opposed the PIJ’s support
for the Iranian revolution and viewed it as a “deviation from the
true path.” |
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4
From an Arabic study entitled The Palestinian Islamic Jihad
Movement, Its Growth and Methods, 2001, pp. 7, 14, captured during
Operation Defensive Shield (one of many items published by the PIJ
Movement;. Henceforth: PIJ study). It is most probably an internal
PIJ document, and well researched and written according to academic
standards. |
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The PIJ study found in the possession of the PA Internal
Security Forces in Bethlehem notes that the organization participated
in creating the psychological atmosphere which led to the outbreak
of the first intifada, which began in December, 1987, and
that its members were among the first to take part in it. According
to the study, the PIJ was working to escalate the confrontation
with Israel and to turn the intifada into an armed conflict. According
to the study, the expulsion of Dr. Fat’hi Shkaki by Israel to Lebanon
in 1988 led to the a new stage in the organization’s history because
it enabled its members to secure closer relations with “the
main supporting countries of the Arabic and Islamic world”
[that is, with Syria and Iran]. At the time, continues the study,
the organization also strengthened its ties with Hezbollah
in Lebanon. |
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According to the study, after the Oslo Accords were
signed in September, 1993, “when the flames of the [first] intifada
began to die down,” the organization initiated a series of military
actions against Israel while adopting a plan of
“military suicide attacks” (‘amaliyyat ‘askariyyah istish’hadiyyah)
to sabotage the nascent Oslo process.
The most important action at that time, says the study, was the
suicide bombing attack at Beit Lid, near
Netanya, a city in the central part of Israel, in which two PIJ
“fighters” blew themselves up at a crowded bus stop, killing 22
Israeli soldiers (January 22, 1995). |
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The PIJ’s study notes that
on October 26, 1995, Dr. Fat’hi Shkaki,
then the leader of the organization, was killed in Malta by “Mossad
agents” while he was on his way from Libya to his permanent residence
in Damascus. His appointed successor was Dr. Ramadan
Shalah who was, as previously noted (Section 6, above), one
of the organization’s founding members. The first military action
of the second intifada, states the study, was carried out
near the Mahane Yehuda market in the heart
of Jerusalem [On November 11, 2000, a car bomb exploded in the Mahane
Yehuda market, killing two individuals. It was the first
PIJ action carried out within Israeli borders during the
current conflict.] According to the study, the PIJ has carried out
a long series of suicide bombings as well as “ordinary military
attacks” against Israel in order to bring about
military escalation leading to the collapse of the peace process.
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5
PIJ study, pp. 12-13. |
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| Description
of the PIJ’s operational activity |
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| Since the current conflict began in the PA-administered
territories (late September, 2000), the PIJ has carried out
more than 442 terrorist attacks (as opposed to the more than
500 carried out by Hamas, which leads the field in attacking
Israel). In those actions (including suicide bombing attacks
– see below) 134 Israelis have been killed and 880 wounded,
the overwhelming majority of them innocent civilians. |
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The organization has carried out a long series of suicide
bombing attacks against Israel using both male and female
terrorists, the last of which was at Maxim, a restaurant in Haifa,
in which 21 were killed and 60 wounded, as noted. Conspicuous
among the targets the PIJ chooses are public transportation (usually
buses) and places of business and entertainment (restaurants, malls
and coffee houses) which are crowded with civilians. |
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Among the organization’s more prominent suicide bombing
attacks the following are worth mentioning: |
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Jerusalem, November 2, 2000: a
car bomb exploded in the Mahane Yehuda market, killing 2. |
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Hadera (a city to the south of
Haifa), May 25, 2001: two terrorists carrying explosives blew
themselves up in a car next to a bus, wounding 66. |
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Binyamina (south of Haifa), July
16, 2001: a suicide bombing attack was carried out at a bus
stop near the train station, killing 2 and wounding 10. |
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Kiriyat Motzkin (a city bordering
Haifa), August 12, 2001: a suicide bombing attack was carried
out at the Wall Street Restaurant, wounding 16. |
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Beit Lid (near Netanya), September
9, 2001: a car bomb exploded, wounding 11. |
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Hadera, October 28, 2001: two terrorists
rode through the center of the city shooting at passersby,
killing 4 and wounding 42. |
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On a road near the entrance to an army
base situated to the east of Hadera, November 29, 2001:
a suicide bombing attack was carried out on a bus, killing
3 and wounding 9. |
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Jerusalem, at the entrance to the Mamilla
Hilton, December 5, 2001: an armed attack was carried
out which left 11 wounded. |
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A main intersection near Haifa,
December 9, 2001: an attempted suicide bombing attack was
carried out, leaving 24 wounded. |
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The old central bus station in Tel Aviv,
January 25, 2002: a double suicide bombing attack was carried
out in which the PIJ and Fatah collaborated, wounding 23. |
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Afula (a city to the south of Haifa),
March 5, 2002: a suicide bombing attack was carried out, killing
1 and wounding 15. |
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On a road through Wadi Ara (a
valley to the east of Hadera, populated almost entirely by
Israeli Arabs), March 20, 2002: a suicide bombing attack was
carried out on a bus, killing 7 and wounding 30. |
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The main intersection near Kibbutz Yagur,
near Haifa, April 10, 2002: a suicide bombing attack was carried
out on a bus, killing 8 and wounding 15. |
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The Megiddo junction west of Afula,
June 5, 2002: a car bomb driven by a terrorist who positioned
himself close to the bus’ gas tank exploded, killing 17 and
wounding 50. |
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The Umm el-Fahem intersection in Wadi
Ara, September 18, 2002: a suicide bombing attack was
carried out against Israeli police, killing 1 and wounding
2. |
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The Karkur intersection in the Wadi Ara
area, October 21, 2002: a car bomb driven by two terrorists
exploded next to a bus, killing 14 and wounding 50. |
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“The synagogue goers,” a site in Hebron,
November 15, 2002: an ambush carried out by three terrorists,
killing 12 and wounding 16, including a high-ranking Israeli
army officer. |
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Netanya, March 30, 2003: a suicide
bombing attack was carried out at the London Caf?, wounding
54. |
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Afula, May 19, 2003: a female suicide
bomber blew herself up at the entrance to the mall, killing
3 and wounding 54. |
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Kefar Yavetz, a village in the
central part Israel, July 7, 2003: a terrorist forced his
way into a house and blew himself up, killing 1 and wounding
6. |
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Haifa, the Maxim restaurant, October
4, 2003: a female suicide bomber blew herself up inside the
restaurant, killing 21 and wounding 60. |
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| Support
for the PIJ suicide bombing attack at Maxim among the Palestinian
population |
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Despite PA Chairman Yasser Arafat’s initial denunciation
of the suicide bombing attack at Maxim, the Palestinian and Arab
media expressed support and justification for it. For instance: |
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On October 10, 2003, Palestinian television
(controlled by Arafat) broadcast a sermon given by Sheikh
Ibrahim Madiras (identified with Hamas) explaining the female
suicide bomber’s motives for the attack against Israelis and
justifying it. |
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On the same day, Arabic television news network, al-Jezeera,
based in Katar, broadcast an interview with Samir Mashharawi,
a member of the Fatah high committee, who spoke about the
suicide attack on the Haifa restaurant in positive terms. |
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On October 16, 2003, the newspaper al-Kuds (published in
East Jerusalem), printed, after a 10-day delay, 2 death notices
for the suicide bomber. One was inserted by her family and
the other by the Islamic Jama’ah (the PIJ student society)
and the Mosque Youth group of Jenin. |
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In the upcoming elections for the student council at the
Islamic University in Gaza City, a list of candidates is expected
to be submitted by the Islamic Jama’ah bearing the name of
Jirdath, the female lawyer who committed the suicide bombing
inside the Maxim restaurant . |
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It should be noted that in a survey conducted by Dr.
Khalil Shkaki6 (between
October 7-14, 2003), 75% of those interviewed expressed their support
for the suicide bombing attack on the restaurant. |
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Hannadi Taysir Abd al-Malik
Jirdath, the female suicide bomber who blew herself up
inside the Maxim restaurant in Haifa.
“With the strength and courage of Allah, I decided to
become the sixth female martyr [i.e., suicide bomber]
who agreed to blow up her body into pieces that would
hit the heart of every Zionist colonist in my country...”
(al-Arabiyyah Television,
October 5, 2003)
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6 Dr. Khalil
Shakaki is the brother of Dr. Fathi Shakaki. He used to hold radical
views but became a scholar well-known for his support of Palestinian-Israeli
coexistence. He founded the most important Palestinian institute
conducting public surveys on a variety of topics. |
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| The
PIJ’s terrorist infrastructure in Jenin |
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The PIJ has operational infrastructures
in the large cities of the PA-territories. The most prominent ones
are to be found in Samaria, particularly in Jenin
(known as “the martyrs’ [suicide bombers’] capital”). An
examination of the locations of PIJ suicide bombing attacks against
Israel indicates a substantial increase in the north and in the
region around Wadi Ara; the attacks were perpetrated by terrorists
who came from the area around Jenin. |
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During the recent temporary cessation of hostilities
(hudna), the PIJ exploited the interval to perform massive
repairs to its operational infrastructure in Samaria. At the same
time, its operatives in Jenin and Samaria worked
overtime to carry out terrorist attacks (most of them frustrated
by the Israeli security forces), disregarding the hudna
completely. |
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Despite the success of the Israeli security forces
in thwarting most of the PIJ’s terrorist activity, and the arrests
of its operatives notwithstanding, the operational infrastructure
in Jenin nevertheless managed to carry out two suicide bombing attacks
in recent months. One occurred on July 7, 2003, during the hudna,
when a suicide bomber blew himself up in the living room of a house
in Kefar Yavetz, a moshav in the central part of Israel, resulting
in the death of an Israeli woman. The second was the attack by Hannadi
Jirdath inside the Maxim restaurant in Haifa; she came from a family
in Jenin and was not its only PIJ terrorist member. |
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| The
PIJ infrastructure in Hebron |
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Another recently-exposed hotbed of PIJ terrorist organization
is Hebron. During the hudna, PIJ
terrorists there devoted their time to preparing lethal attacks
against Israel. The infrastructure’s head was Muhammad Ayyub Muhammad
Sidr, who was killed in a exchange of fire with Israeli forces (August
14, 2003) while hiding in a carpentry shop which served as a laboratory
for preparing explosive devices. Many other prominent PIJ
infrastructure members, which has been in operation since the beginning
of the current intifada, were recently killed, among them Diyab
Shwiki, Sidr’s right-hand man. |
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Muhammad Sidr was responsible for the death of 19 Israelis,
the wounding of 80, the killing of two UN observers and the wounding
of one. During the interrogations of arrested PIJ members, it was
learned that Muhammad Sidr was in constant communication with PIJ
headquarters in Damascus and that before his death
he was involved with the planning of bombing and suicide bombing
attacks against Israel, including the recruiting, arming
and training of suicide squads. The laboratory in which he was killed
prepared powerful explosive devices to upgrade
the lethal capacities of the bombs used by PIJ members in their
attacks against Israel. |
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| Lebanon
as one of the PIJ’s operational backup countries |
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The PIJ has run an operational infrastructure
in Lebanon ever since Dr. Fat’hi Shkaki, the organization’s founder,
was expelled there from Israeli territory. The organization is allowed
to exploit the infrastructure as part of Iranian
policy in support of terrorism in close cooperation with
Hezbollah and with Syria’s approval, without
which it could not operate on Lebanese soil. |
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Since Dr. Fat’hi Shkaki was expelled to Lebanon in
1988, the organization has carried out 20 terrorist attacks against
Israeli soldiers in Lebanon, all of them in cooperation with Hezbollah.
In 1999, however, the organization discarded Lebanon as its main
launching site for attacks against Israel. It now focuses on promoting
operational activities “inside” [the PA-administrated territories
and Israel], and in Israel’s assessment the resources previously
allocated to Lebanon have been diverted to it, evidence for which
is the aid given by Hezbollah to the training in Lebanon of PIJ
operatives from the PA-administered territories. It should be noted
that the operatives who carried out the terrorist attack against
Kibbutz Matzuba, close to the Lebanese border, on March 12, 2002,
which resulted in the death of 6 Israelis, were PIJ members working
for Hezbollah who had infiltrated the Israeli-Lebanese border into
Israel. |
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The funeral of PIJ operatives killed in southern
Lebanon by IDF forces, November, 1996 |
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Muhammad Ayyub Muhammad Sidr
25 years old, born in Hebron,
head of the PIJ in that city. He began his terrorist activities
against Israel in 1999 as head of the
Islamic Jama’ah (the PIJ student society) at the
Polytechnic University of Hebron.7
At the end of that year he was arrested for his involvement
in military actions. After his release from jail in June,
2000, he began constructing the PIJ infrastructure in
the Hebron area, which was responsible for carrying out
several lethal terrorist attacks against Israel (in which,
as previously noted, Israel soldiers and citizens and
UN personnel were killed and wounded).
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7 Like
Hamas, the PIJ uses the Islamic Jama’ah to express the importance
it gives to student activity in the universities in the PA-administered
territories. The Hamas and PIJ student societies imbue the student
population with a culture of justifying the inflicting of fatal
casualties and carrying out suicide bombings against Israeli through
enlisting students for the execution of such terrorist activities. |
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| Syrian
aid for the PIJ |
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During the current intifada, which began in
late September, 2000, Iran and Syria have relentlessly worked to
prevent a relaxation of hostilities originating
in the PA-administered territories and to increase terrorist activity
against Israel. Fearing Israeli reprisals and international
condemnation, they do not act directly
but rather through the use of “emissaries,” i.e., the Palestinian
organizations operating under their aegis, principally the PIJ,
Hamas and Ahmad Jabril’s Palestinian Front. Syria permits
those organizations (which collaborate with one another) to maintain
their military, political and propaganda infrastructures on its
territory and in Lebanon. |
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The aforementioned infrastructures include headquarters,
offices, military equipment and supplies and training camps, such
as Jabril’s Palestinian Front’s base at Ein Sahib, which was attacked
by the Israeli Air Force on October 5, 2003. Syria’s claim that
the Palestinian organizations keep only “information offices” on
its territory is therefore a complete fabrication. |
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The organization headquarters (under Syrian and Lebanese
aegis and instructed by Damascus) direct
the terrorists in the PA-administered territories in their attacks
against Israel. That direction includes: the coordination necessary
to carry out a terrorist attack; suggesting operational ideas and
initiating activities by means of operatives first invited to Syria;
directions for escalating lethal suicide attacks;
or, when it serves Syrian and Iranian interests, instructions for
a temporary lessening of terrorist activities. |
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Dr. Ramadan Abdallah Muhammad Shalah,
the PIJ leader, often visits Syria and operates under the protection
of the Syrian regime. From his headquarters in
Damascus he and his aides maintain constant contact with PIJ operatives
in the PA-administered territories and direct their activities. |
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PIJ headquarters is in constant contact with terrorist
operatives in the PA-administered territories, a fact attested to
by arrested PIJ members interrogated by Israeli security forces.
Thus, for instance, Ali al-Sa’di (known
as “al-Saffuri”) and Thabet Mardawi, two
senior terrorists from the Jenin region arrested during Operation
Defensive Shield, admitted under interrogation that they
regularly communicated with Dr. Ramadan Shalah and his aides, members
of PIJ headquarters. They both stated that they were frequently
communicated with PIJ headquarters in Damascus to discuss a number
of issues, such as: |
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Clarifying the political positions
taken by the organization’s leadership in Damascus (regarding
its policy of carrying out terrorist attacks against Israel).
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Informing headquarters of their responsibility
for terrorist attacks carried out by members of the
organization (reports from the PA-administered territories
are the basis for the public announcements made in Damascus).
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Requests for money. |
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Undergoing relevant training needed
for the preparation of weapons and explosive devices. |
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| Iranian
aid for the PIJ |
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| “The Palestinian Islamic Jihad
is one of the many fruits on our leader Khomeini’s tree”
(Dr. Ramadan Shalah, IRNA [Iranian Republic News Agency],
May 22, 2002). |
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| “The Iranian Islamic Revolutionin
1979 is a victory for the model the PIJ has been striving
to attain since the middle of the 1970s…” (PIJ study,
p. 19). |
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Of all the Palestinian terrorist organizations, the
PIJ is the one with the closest ties to Iran and receives more Iranian
aid, especially financial, than any other. For
Iran (and for other countries which support international terror,
money is one of the most important tools for operating terrorist
infrastructures, in this case in the PA-administered territories
as well as for encouraging the activities of various Palestinian
terrorist organizations. According both to captured PA documents
and the statements of terrorists arrested and interrogated, the
terrorist organizations operating under Iranian aegis, that is,
the PIJ, Hamas and Hezbollah, regularly receive large
sums of money from Iran. |
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With that it mind, it should be noted that Iran is
practically the PIJ’s only source of funding.
The organization’s annual budget has been estimated at several million
dollars, a large percentage of which is earmarked
for funding terrorist attacks carried out by its operatives against
Israel and maintaining its “terrorist aparatus:” offices,
salaries, weapons and explosives, as well as financial aid to the
families of casualties and detainees. In July, 2003, the Palestinian
security forces claimed that they had confiscated $3 million in
cash which Iran had transferred to the PIJ (a considerable sum of
money even according to the PIJ’s criteria). |
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In the assessment of the Israeli security forces, only
an extremely small amount of the organization’s
budget is allotted to funding its civilian infrastructure
(much smaller than the amounts allotted by Hamas for the same purpose).
The PIJ’s civilian infrastructure includes a number of societies
in the West Bank (al-Ihsan, al-Naqa’ for
women and the Islamic youth club in Bethlehem) and in the Gaza
Strip (7 branches of al-Ihsan). The societies operate in
the fields of health, welfare and religious Islamic education. |
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| All of the above provide a clear illustration
of how, by means of a relatively “insignificant” investment,
Iran bought itself power over a small, “quality” albeit terrorist
organization and takes advantage of it to influence its terrorist
members to continue their attacks against Israel inside and
outside of the PA-administered territories. The organization’s
suicide bombing attacks are therefore a clear indication of
the political success of Iranian support of terror, all of
it done without leaving any clear Iranian “fingerprints.” |
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| Dr.
Ramadan Shalah – his portrait as the current leader of the PIJ |
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Ramadan Abdallah Muhammad Shalah
was born in 1958 in the Saja’iyyah neighborhood of the Gaza Strip,
one of many siblings. As a high school student he joined the Moslem
Brotherhood, which also funded his tuition at Zagazig
University in Egypt, considered a stronghold of rising religious
Islamic fundamentalism during the nineteen seventies. When he was
a student (between 1977 and 1981), he met a group of other Palestinian
students from the Gaza Strip, including Fat’hi Shkaki, who wanted
to imitate the militant Jihad movements which were flourishing in
Egypt at that time. Ramadan Shalah became one of the founders of
the PIJ and edited its internal political journal. |
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When he returned to the Gaza Strip on 1981 he was hired
as a lecturer in the Economics Department of Gaza’s Islamic University
and became a sought-after speaker. In 1985 he continued his studies
in England and was awarded a PhD in economics from Durham University.
He then moved to the United States and lectured in international
relations at Tampa University in Florida. He was chosen as the PIJ’s
secretary general in late 1995 after Dr. Shkaki died in Malta. |
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Dr. Ramadan Abdallah Muhammad Shalah in a telephone
interview given to al-Jezeera on March 30, 2003. During the interview
he claimed PIJ responsibility for the suicide bombing attack carried
out by Rami Jamil Ghanem of the PIJ Jerusalem
Squads [the PIJ’s operational wing] at the London Caf? in Netanya,
March 30, 2003, in which 30 Israelis were injured. The PIJ announcement
linked the suicide bombing attack, which took place during the American
military engagement in Iraq, to that carried out at Najaf against
the American army currently stationed there (October, 2003). That
should not come as a surprise, as the PIJ represents an ideology
also hostile to the United States and the values it stands for. |
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